Understanding Mahi Aroha:
Maori perspectives on volunteering in Aotearoa New Zealand
By Deanna Coop
Land Management as a Way of Giving in Australian Aboriginal Cultures
by Nadia Heyd
Koha – The Maori Gift
by Katherine Vanker
Understanding Mahi Aroha:
Maori perspectives on volunteering in Aotearoa New Zealand
By Deanna Coop
It’s just how we operate.
If someone in my whânau needs help, then I do it.
It could be going to a tangi of someone I never knew,
or getting hold of information for someone
or helping out in the kitchen, or whatever.”
(Kuia)
Introduction
Volunteering is particularly important for the Maori people of Aotearoa New Zealand. It is so much a part of their everyday lives that many do not classify it as anything separate. A study conducted by the New Zealand Office of the Community and Voluntary Sector found that 9 out of 10 Maori people participated in some kind of unpaid activity in the month prior to the New Zealand census of 2001 (Office of the Community and Voluntary Sector, 2007).
However, unlike Western cultures where volunteering and philanthropy are common concepts, the Maori do not have a term directly equivalent to “volunteering”. And, furthermore Maori today are virtually invisible in philanthropy outside of their communities (Robinson, 2002).
How then do the Maori create a social safety net within their communities? How are the physical, social and economic needs fulfilled so that this culture can survive and recover, in times of need?
What is MAHI AROHA?
Mahi aroha is the most appropriate term for understanding Maori perspectives on volunteering – a fundamental act of philanthropy and citizenship that strengthens, connects and sustains communities. This term reflects their worldview, experiences, and motivations for carrying out unpaid work for their communities. It is much more than simply donating ones time, energy and resources.
Mahi aroha is defined as voluntary work for ones wahanau (family), hapu (tribe) or iwi (subtribe) performed out of love, sympathy or caring through a sense of duty instead of for personal or financial gain (Office of the Community and Voluntary Sector, 2007). It is as much about feeling as about doing; and it encompasses tohu aroha - the spiritual, emotional and cultural elements of volunteering.
Motivation for MAHI AROHA
There are three key principles of mahi aroha which may be considered the motivations for Maori participation in voluntary work.
Tikanga – Doing what is believed to be the right thing to do according to Maori values and culture, as passed down by one’s ancestors.
Cultural survival and recovery – Doing whatever is needed to ensure that tikanga Maori continues and thrives.
Extent of need – Maori respond to clear and urgent needs related to poverty, social stressors and support for Maori culture, values and institutions. (Office of the Community and Voluntary Sector, 2007)
This third motivation ‘extent of need’ may explain why the Maori are virtually invisible to the outside world of philanthropy. Maori respond to their community needs ‘first and foremost’ and therefore may not be primarily engaged in other expressions of philanthropy in New Zealand society.
Examples of MAHI AROHA
Examples of mahi aroha tend to be focussed on the whanau, hapu, iwi or marae (traditional meeting house). And, women (just as in Western cultures) tend to participate more than men in mahi aroha or “voluntary” activities.
Included are a varied of mahi aroha activities:
• Performing the haka and traditional Maori carving
• Advisory work for the whanau and government agencies
• Maori small business
• Advisory work in relation to Treaty matters
• Responding to needs of whanau, whanaunga and others.
Conclusion
Mahi aroha is a part of Aotearoa New Zealand’s national identity. It provides a means for the Maori to meet the physical, social and economic needs of their wahanau (family), hapu (tribe) and iwi (subtribe) and thus build the social capital of their society.
Land Management as a Way of Giving in Australian Aboriginal Cultures
By Nadia Heyd
“I am part of the sea and the sea is part of me when I am on it.”
(Meriam Elder, cited in Sharp http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ILB/2000/129.html, accessed on 05 February, 2010)
This opening statement from an Australian Aboriginal elder describes a connectedness to nature that is not seen to anywhere near the same degree in Western traditions. “deep within Aboriginal culture, people have an obligation to protect the land [and also the sea] upon which they have lived.” (Colbung, 1988 Wentworth Lecture “Not Land Rights but Land Rites, cited at http://www1.aiatsis.gov.au/exhibitions/wentworth/wentworthcontents.htm, accessed on 05 February, 2010). In Australian Aboriginal cultures, since land management is carried out in a way that is meant to support the greater common good, it can be considered an instance of giving.
Traditional people spend considerable time and resources at the task of “managing” territory. On dry land, this would have, in large part, involved the use of fire. The Northern Land Council, which represents Aboriginal people across the “Top End” of Australia’s Northern Territory describes the use of fire in caring for the land. Fire is used to “bring the land alive again,” in both a practical way and a symbolic or spiritual way. “Aboriginal people burn to hunt, to promote new growth of grass which attracts game, to make the country easier to travel through, to create firebreaks which are important in the dry season.” Burning is also conducted to “clear country of spiritual pollution after a death,” which is an important spiritual need in Aboriginal culture.
(http://www.nlc.org.au/html/care_fire.html, accessed 29 January, 2010).
Colbung, in the same article cited above explains that Australian Aboriginals understand that the obligation to care for and occupy the land “was recognized by all who lived near and far,” and states “If the land was not cared for or managed to the satisfaction of all then it was taken over by people who could do so.”
Someone not familiar with Australian Aboriginal tradition might ask: Who is responsible for discerning whether or not the land was managed satisfactorily? Colbung explains that in Aboriginal Society there is a “division of ritual responsibility between separate but related groups.” One group is seen as the “owners” of the land, but a separate group is seen as the land’s “guardians”. The guardians of the land have the “responsibility to see that traditional duties are properly performed.” These guardians are seen in society as “leaders”, and as such, are also seen as people who are “looking after” others within the society by passing down traditional knowledge about how to go about caring for the land, thereby “ensuring the security and benefit of all.” The owners, however, are responsible for completing the tasks as advised by the guardians.
In summary, Aboriginal Society, at least with regards to land ownership, is arranged so that there is an “expectation of reciprocity and fulfillment of mutual obligations,” (Colbung), and the roles and responsibilities of who does what to achieve the goal of caring for the land are quite clearly defined by the culture. However, the way it is arranged is to further the common good of the people, thus can be considered a “giving tradition” that is built right into the culture.
Koha – The Maori Gift
By Katherine Vanker
The Maori language is a Polynesian language that is closely related to Cook Island Maori, Tahitian and Hawaiian . According to the 1996 Census, the Maori language is spoken by approximately 150,000 New Zealanders . The name Maori originally meant "the local people" or "the original people" . This distinguished them from the European settlers and the new arrivals . Today they are known as the indigenous people of New Zealand.
Traditions and social customs are very important to the Maori . One such custom is ‘koha’, which translated to English is ‘gift.’ Within the meaning of the word, there is an unspoken understanding of responsibility that the gift should be savored and enjoyed many times over . In the past, the gift usually involved a visitor offering a donation to a ‘host marae’ . The marae is the customary focal point for meetings, discussions, funerals and for welcoming visitors to the area . The Maori people believe that the manner in which the gift is given is more important than the gift itself . As such, there are important rules associated with it . For example, as a show of respect, the host keeps eye contact with the visitor when accepting the gift . In the early days, when war was rampant between the differing tribes, koha was offered in the form of waiata in gratitude for protection . Food was often given as koha, as were treasured possessions . The gift is not necessarily an object either. It can come in the form of giving one’s time . In today’s society, the gift is usually in the form of money and for those that are unfamiliar with the custom, hosts may suggest an amount given for the koha .
The concepts of giving, caring and sharing are closely linked to obligations, duties, responsibilities and reciprocal arrangements . All of these behaviours are vital to the Maori people in order to gain a sense of completeness which holds high importance in this world.
Works Cited
http://www.tetaurawhiri.govt.nz/english/faq/lang.shtml#language
http://history-nz.org/maori.html
http://www.icnl.org/KNOWLEDGE/ijnl/vol6iss2/special_4.htm
http://www.palinet.org/media/2008Conf/JohnBriceOpenSourceProgramText.pdf
http://www.newzealand.com/travel/about-nz/culture/powhiri/the-ceremony/koha-ift.cfm
http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Gift_exchange